Nature Notes From Crater Lake
Volume 28, 1997
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Crater Lake National
Park Nature Notes
Volume XXVIII, 1997
United States
Department of the Interior
National Park Service
Stephen R. Mark, Editor |
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Cover Photo:
Wizard Island and Crater Lake from Discovery Point. National Park
Service photo by Bruce Black, 1959. |
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- Introduction - Stephn R. Mark
- Crater Lake in Indian Tradition:
Sacred Landscapes and Cultural Survival -
Robert H. Winthrop
- Visited in Midwinter: A Trip to
Crater Lake in 1897 - M. A. Loosley
- On an Old Road to Crater Lake -
Steve Mark
- Repeat Photography and Landscape
Change - Ron Mastrogiuseppe and John Salinas
- History of the Crater Lake
Wilderness Ski Race - John W. Lund
- The Long Forgotten Klamath Camp -
Kenneth Åström
- A National Historic Landmark -
Steve Mark
- An Offering in the Forest -
Steve Mark
Introduction
By Stephen R. Mark, Editor
The following articles might first
appear to be beyond the scope of a publication calling itself "Nature
Notes." Yet what we choose to emphasize in studies or narratives about
nature is conditioned by culture and shaped by our selective interaction
with the past. How the past confronts the present at Crater Lake is the
general theme of this volume, though the broader aim behind all issues
of Nature Notes from Crater Lake is to add to the reader's
understanding and appreciation of the park.
Each of these submissions represents an
attempt to clarify the past, so as to give it order and meaning in the
present. The lead piece by Robert Winthrop emphasizes continuity in how
one culture has seen Crater Lake through time by comparing this view
with the European idea of sublime landscape. Loosley's article is
intended to reinforce what Winthrop presents as how the settlers saw the
park a century ago. My article on the transportation route used to reach
Rim Village at that time follows to demonstrate the roads and trails can
have symbolic meaning. The device of repeat photography is described by
Mastrogiuseppe and Salinas as an ongoing project under the sponsorship
of the Crater Lake Natural History Association. On a somewhat different
note, Lund's overview of the Fort Klamath to Crater Lake ski races sets
the stage for Astrom's narrative about what resulted from one of those
competitions. The last two pieces represent my attempt to put two
features of the designed landscape at Park Headquarters into larger
context.
The Crater Lake Natural History
Association once again sponsors this edition of Nature Notes from
Crater Lake, as part of its ongoing commitment to aid the education
and resource management programs of the National Park Service. CLNHA
encourages visitors and park employees to become members of the
Association, and to join the Friends of Crater Lake National Park. A
list of items available for sale can be obtained by writing to the
Business Manager, Crater Lake Natural History Association, P.O. Box 157,
Crater Lake OR 97604, or by calling (541)594-2211 ext. 499.

The
reticent volcano keeps
His never slumbering plan;
Confided are his projects pink
To no precarious man.
Emily
Dickinson
Crater Lake in Indian Tradition: Sacred
Landscapes and Cultural Survival
By Robert H. Winthrop
Introduction
Crater Lake and its environs served a
range of uses for the Klamath, Upper Umpqua, and other Indian peoples of
the region. The area of what is now Crater Lake National Park was used
for both hunting and gathering. Huckleberry Mountain, an important
gathering site for the Klamath, lies about ten miles southwest of the
lake. Nonetheless, the primary significance of Crater Lake appears to
have been as a place of power and peril, renowned as a spirit quest
site, yet also feared for the dangerous beings residing in the lake. In
short, Crater Lake constituted a sacred landscape, that is, a region
distinguished in the traditions of a people by its special spiritual
qualities or powers.1
The aim of this paper is to make such
an alien reality somewhat more intelligible, both as a matter of
cultural interest, and for its relevance to the sensitive management of
this remarkable national park. I argue that there are, in fact,
significant parallels as well as dramatic differences in Anglo-American
and Indian perceptions of such sacred landscapes. Such a comparison can
suggest both the degree of common concern for such geographies of refuge
and transcendence, and what we as Anglo-Americans could usefully learn
from the far more nuanced and complex appreciation of such landscapes
inherent in Indian traditions.
Nature as sublime experience
Given the numerous controversies which
have arisen since the 1970s over proposed development of lands viewed by
Indian peoples as sacred or culturally sensitive, it is worth
emphasizing that Anglo-American culture has also seen in nature an
avenue for spiritual experience.2
The romantic movement, in particular, strongly influenced the perception
of wilderness in nineteenth century America. Denis Cosgrove, in his
interesting study of society and symbolic landscapes, noted that in
America,
...by the 1820s and 1830s the idea of romantic landscape had
invested scenes of wild grandeur with a special significance. They
were held by many to be places which declared the great forces of
nature, the hand of the creator.... In the context of a religious
tradition which stressed individual salvation, the idea of sublime
wilderness offered a powerful opportunity for transcendence, a way
of appropriating America as a distinctive experience unavailable in
Europe.3
Crater Lake, first encountered by
Anglo-American travelers in the 1850s, admirably fulfilled the desire
for a sublime and inspiring experience of nature. Captain Franklin
Sprague, describing his visit in 1865, spoke of the lake's "majestic
beauties" and "awful grandeur."4
Clarence Dutton remarked in 1886 on the emotional reaction which the
lake aroused in its visitors:
It was touching to see the worthy but untutored people, who had
ridden a hundred miles in freight-wagons to behold it, vainly
striving to keep back tears as they poured forth their exclamations
of wonder and joy akin to pain.5
John Wesley Powell, writing in 1888 in
support of a bill to create a national park to protect Crater Lake,
argued,
The lake itself is a unique object, as much so as Niagara, and
the effect which it produces upon the mind of the beholder is at
once powerful and enduring. There are probably not many natural
objects in the world which impress the average spectator with so
deep a sense of the beauty and majesty of nature.6
Similarly, Mark Daniels, former General
Superintendent of the National Parks, said of Crater Lake:
The sight of it fills one with more conflicting emotions than any
other scene with which I am familiar. It is at once weird,
fascinating, enchanting, repellent, of exquisite beauty and at times
terrifying in its austere-dignity [sic] and oppressing stillness.7

Enraptured by the sublime: a 19th century visitor at
the rim.
Peter Britt photo, 1874. Southern Oregon Historical Society #704,
Medford.
What is particularly intriguing about
these expressions of
geopiety to borrow a term from the geographer Yi-Fu Tuan -- is the
way in which they manifest both strong similarities and differences with
the Indian experience of the Crater Lake region. The similarities lie in
the common recognition of an encounter with the alien, the weird, and
the numinous in this ancient caldera. Yet the differences are also
telling. For the American explorers and settlers, the encounter with
Crater Lake appears to have yielded a deep emotional response, but not a
deeper knowledge or transformation of self. Such testimonies as these
suggest an awareness of the sacred, but it is a mute awareness, a matter
of mood. Unlike the Indian visitors to Crater Lake, the Anglo-American
travelers lacked the cultural models -- the cognitive templates
encompassing mythology, ritual practices, and knowledge of localized
spirit beings -- which allow such encounters to yield a message, to
produce lasting understanding and personal change.
This bafflement in the face of mute
nature is captured well in a passage from the modern nature writer
Edward Abbey. Of his travels in the American Southwest, he says,
I consider the tree, the lonely cloud, the sandstone bedrock on
this part of the world and pray -- in my fashion -- for a vision of
truth. I listen for signals from the sun, but that distant music is
too high and pure for the human ear.8
Nature as sacred landscape
The Indian conception of Crater Lake
was a matter of much comment by travelers and settlers of the region.
The Portland Oregonian
reported in 1886 that,
There is probably no point of interest in America that so
completely overcomes the ordinary Indian with fear as Crater lake.
From time immemorial no power has been strong enough to induce them
to approach within sight of it. For a paltry sum they will engage to
guide you thither, but before reaching the mountain top will leave
you to proceed alone. To the savage mind it is clothed with a deep
veil of mystery and is the abode of all manner of demons and
unshapely monsters.9
Similarly, George Kirkman, writing in
Harper's Weekly in 1896, described the small island in the lake
known as the Phantom Ship as "a fantastic object of unspeakable dread to
the Klamath Indians."10
These accounts, however exaggerated and in part factually incorrect, do
convey a sense of Crater Lake and its environs as an area set apart, in
some fashion fundamentally different in quality from the wider region,
the southern Oregon Cascades.
For the Klamath, spirit power could be
found in many sources.11
The spiritual significance of gi-was, or Crater Lake, reflected a
more general Klamath understanding of the natural world, involving not
only reverence but the possibility of significant interaction with
particular mountains, lakes, and streams, as an individual sought
comfort, assistance, or power.12 As one Klamath woman
commented in the late 1940s:
...those old Indians had a lot of sense. They kind of felt at
home around here and they would get a lift from just talking to the
mountains and lakes. It was like praying and it made them feel at
peace.13
In a sense features in a sacred
landscape are persons: one can enter into relationships with them. A
Klamath woman about 80 years old, paralyzed and bedridden, said:
Every day I pray to the mountain. I lie here in my bed and I am
sick and old and every morning I say to those mountains, I say,
"Bless me, help me." I pray just like my mother taught me to do....
My mother taught me to pray to rocks and mountains and to give some
food to them before we eat. It's just like in the Bible. I dream of
those mountains at night. They kind of help you when you ask it.14
The elements of a sacred landscape
derive their power in part from a net of symbolic associations accruing
from myth. Crater Lake figures prominently in the myth of Le*w and Sqel.
Le*w is "the monster who dwells in Crater Lake .... rather octopoidal
and of a dirty white color."15 The myth relates his battle
with Sqel (who also appears as Old Marten or Old Mink), a culture
transformer in Klamath tradition, "teaching subsistence techniques, and
generally preparing the world for the myth age humans."16
The myth opens with Sqel/Mink/Old
Marten and his friend Weasel. They are tricked by the beautiful but
wicked daughter of Le*w, who ingratiates herself with Mink (or in an
alternate version, Weasel), and tears out his heart. She then takes the
heart to Le*w's people at Crater Lake, who play ball with it. Weasel
runs for help to Gmokamc, the Klamath creator figure, who advises
Weasel, and then proceeds with the help of various allies to recover
Mink's heart. Mink revives, but Le*w now carries him off to Crater Lake,
and is about to cut him to pieces and feed him to his children, the
crawfish. However, Mink outwits Le*w and slays him, cutting up his body
and (pretending the pieces belong to Mink's own corpse) feeding them to
the crawfish. Finally Mink throws Le*w's head into Crater Lake, naming
it correctly. In Theodore Stern's translation of a version narrated by
Herbert Nelson:
Then he [Mink] threw into the water all this, heart,
windpipe-and-lungs, and liver. "Here's Mink's heart,
windpipe-and-lungs, and liver!" Now the Crawfish came and ate all
that. "Then here's Lao's [Le*w's] head!" Bawak! sound
of head splashing into the water. The Crawfish recognizing their
father scattered in all directions. Then that head of Lao's lodged
there. This is Wizard Island.17
While Anglo-American travelers' claims
that Indians did not visit Crater Lake are false, the area was certainly
regarded as the abode of powerful spirits. Traditionally, gaining a
vision of such beings was a major goal of the spirit quest.18
The seeker would often swim at night, underwater, to encounter the
spirits lurking in the depths of the lake.19 Leslie Spier
commented regarding the father of one of his informants, "having lost a
child, he went swimming in Crater lake; before evening he had become a
shaman."20 The quest for such spirits required courage and
resolution:
He must not be frightened even if he sees something moving under
the water. He prays before diving, 'I want to be a shaman. Give me
power. Catch me. I need the power.'21
One Klamath woman recounted seeing a
spirit being on the lake:
When I was young, I went up to Crater Lake with a woman I knew.
She tied my eyes and led my horse.... Then she said, "Untie your
eyes," and I nearly fell off the horse. I saw a man standing on the
water far away, just like in the Bible. He scared me so, I don't
know who that was, but I like to think of that man now.22
Individuals undertook strenuous and
dangerous climbs along the caldera wall. Some would run, starting at the
western rim and running down the wall of the crater to the lake. One who
could reach the lake without falling was thought to have superior spirit
powers. Sometimes such quests were undertaken by groups. Rocks were
often piled as feats of endurance and evidence of spiritual effort. Four
of the five prehistoric sites thus far identified at the park are in
fact piled rock sites. Here as elsewhere, such sites are usually built
on peaks or ridges, with fine views. Leslie Spier reported one such
named site built on a point of rock projecting from the western wall of
the lake. Today Crater Lake remains important as a site for power quests
and other spiritual pursuits, particularly for members of the Klamath
Tribe.
Conclusions
To recapitulate: what has been termed
here a sacred landscape entails a correlation of physical place and
cultural meaning, existing within a larger body of tradition. Its
physical elements (a piled rock site, Wizard Island, the lake bottom)
have associations with various culturally postulated events, some in a
mythic time, others occurring still today. Those who share traditional
knowledge of a landscape such as Crater Lake bring to the encounter
culturally patterned expectations which shape experience, form symbolic
associations, and allow lasting experiential value to be gained.

Llao, chief spirit of Crater Lake, controlled
many lesser spirits who appeared in the shape of animals. One
such monster was a giant crayfish who could pluck unwary
visitors from the crater rim and drag them down to the dark,
chilling depths.
NPS drawing, Harpers Ferry Center.
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Under such circumstances the tenacity
with which many Indian tribes struggle to preserve their sacred
landscapes is understandable, for such areas offer the possibility of
sustaining tradition and identity, thus linking the future with the
past. The attempt by Karok, Yurok, and other Northwest California
peoples to preserve the "High Country" of Del Norte County from logging
-- the so-called G-O Road case, fought all the way to the U.S. Supreme
Court -- offers a recent example (see Lyng v. Northwest Indian
Cemetery Protective Association, 485 U.S. 439 [1988]).
Within contemporary Anglo-American
culture, there is evidence of a collective effort to discover or create
such sacred landscapes. The ethos of sublime nature -- which a century
ago moved the "worthy but untutored" visitors to Crater Lake to tears --
is apparently no longer sufficient. Today Anglo-Americans are rather
ingenuously urged to seek out "sacred places" culled from the most
diverse traditions.23
The acts of the more radical environmental movements (for example, those
defending old growth forest); and the vague nature mysticism, coupled
with imitation of things Indian, which suffuses many popular therapies
-- men's groups taking to the woods to sharpen spears and chant --
likewise seem directed toward fashioning sacred places within an
increasingly disenchanted world. Whether it is culturally feasible
deliberately to create ritual, myth, and sacred landscapes remains to be
seen.
This paper has benefited
significantly from the assistance of Gordon Bettles, Director of the
Cultural Heritage Program, Klamath Tribe (Chiloquin, Oregon); and from
Sue Shaffer, Chair of the Cow Creek Band of Umpqua Tribe of Indians
(Canyonville, Oregon). Part of the material presented here is taken from
a cultural resource overview of Crater Lake National Park, prepared for
the National Park Service (Contract CX-9000-9-P013). Support by the NPS,
and in particular James Thomson and Fred York of the Seattle Office, is
gratefully acknowledged.
Notes
1 Regarding sacred space or sacred
landscape, see chapter one in Mircea Eliade (Willard R. Trask, trans.),
The Sacred and the Profane: the Nature of Religion (New York:
Harcourt, Brace & World, 1959); Linda Grabner, Wilderness as Sacred
Space (Washington, DC: Association of American Geographers, 1976);
Yi-Fu Tuan, Geopiety: A Theme in Man's Attachment to Nature and to
Place, in David Lowenthal and Martyn J. Bowden (eds.),
Geographies of the Mind (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976);
and Deward E. Walker, Jr., Protecting American Indian Sacred
Geography, Northwest Anthropological Research Notes22 (1988), pp.
253-66.
2 Diane Brazen Gould, The First
Amendment and the American Indian Religious Freedom Act: An Approach to
Protecting Native American Religion, Iowa Law Review 11 (1986), pp.
869-91; Richard W. Stoffle and Michael J. Evans, Holistic
Conservation and Cultural Triage: American Indian Perspectives on
Cultural Resources, Human Organization 49 (1990), pp. 91-99.
3 Cosgrove, Social Formation and
Symbolic Landscape
(Totowa, NJ: Barnes & Noble, 1984), p. 185.
4 Linda W. Greene, Historic
Resource Study: Crater Lake National Park, Oregon (Denver: USDI-NPS,
1984), p. 271.
5 Harlan D. Unrau, Administrative
History, Crater Lake National Park, Oregon (Denver: USDI-NPS, 1988),
p. 32.
6 Ibid., p. 33.
7 Ibid., p. 233
8 Grabner, p. 44.
9 Green, p. 28.
10 Ibid., p. 29
11 Robert F. Spencer, Native Myth and
Modern Religion among the Klamath Indians, Journal of American
Folklore 65
(1952), pp. 217-26.
12 M.A.R. Barker, Klamath
Directory, University of California Publications in Linguistics 31
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), p. 145.
13 Spencer, p. 223.
14 Ibid., p. 222.
15 Barker, p. 215.
16 Ibid., p. 389.
17 Theodore Stem, trans., [Myth of]
Crater Lake (Lao's Daughter), narrated in Klamath by Herbert Nelson,
1951. MS on file at Crater Lake National Park.
18 Spencer, p. 222.
19 Leslie Spier, Klamath
Ethnography, University of California Publications in American
Archaeology and Ethnology 30 (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1930), p. 98.
20 Ibid., p. 96.
21 Ibid.
22 Spencer, p. 222.
23 James A. Swan, Sacred Places:
How the Living Earth Seeks Our Friendship (Santa Fe, NM: Bear & Co.,
1990).
Visited in Midwinter: A Trip to Crater Lake in 18971
By M. A. Loosley
Editor's note: The following
article represents the first recorded account of a winter visit to
Crater Lake. It appeared in a Klamath Falls newspaper 100 years ago.
We left Fort Klamath on Tuesday,
February 23, at 2:30 p.m. mounted on showshoes and drawing a hand-sled
on which we packed our provisions and blankets and went that afternoon
as far as Chas. Martin's place at the upper end of the valley.2
That night the mercury went down to four above zero which made
snowshoeing fine the next day, until we got within four miles of Bridge
Creek, where the thermometer stood 45 degrees in the shade and 83
degrees in the sun, which temperature softened the snow to such an
extent that it made shoeing impossible.3
We then ate our noonday lunch, put our shoes on the sled and footed it
through the soft snow above our knees to Bridge Creek, where we arrived
at 6 o'clock that evening, all tired out, having made only four miles
that afternoon. After eating supper we made our bed down, or rather up,
on fourteen feet of snow. Of course this was only a drift, as we did not
have time that evening to look around for a shallower snow-bank upon
which to make our bed.
Next morning we arose at daybreak, made
breakfast and took the depth of the snow on the ledge across the creek,
which we found to be only 8 and one-half feet deep. The thermometer
registered that morning 28 above.4

Skiers going to Crater Lake from Fort Klamath
in 1918. Photo by Alex Sparrow.
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Again we mounted our shoes and shoved
our way slowly up Annie Creek Canyon, arriving at Cold Camp at 11:30
a.m., where we lunched and rested.5 We found the snow to be
only 8 feet deep there. We had to abandon our shoes going up the summit
and "take it afoot," as the mountain was so steep that our shoes would
slip back. However, we arrived on top at 1:20 p.m., and found the snow
there to be 10 feet deep.6
When we got on the summit, instead of
keeping [to] the road leading down on the other (north) side, we turned
to the right and went along the backbone of the mountain which we
thought would be a gradual slope all the way up to the lake and would
avoid footing it down the mountain and crossing the swale and up the
steep mountain again on the other side to the lake.7 But two
miles of extremely difficult traveling along the steep backbone, through
snow up to our waists, brought us to the conclusion that we had better
abandon our roundabout trip and make our way down the mountain side to
the camping place at the foot of Crater Lake Mountain, which we did,
arriving in camp at 5:25 p.m. It would be useless to say that we were
wet through to the waist and all tired out. However, we lost no time in
getting a few slabs of thick fir bark upon which to build our fire by
which we dried our clothing and cooked our supper.
Next morning, being the 26th, we left
camp at 6 o'clock without breakfast, for the lake. Two miles up the
steep mountain brought us to the brink of the most picturesque view
which we were privileged to behold. There was the lake away down in the
almost bottomless pit wrapped in the snowy gause of silence, while the
gentle rays of the rising sun kissed the snowcapped peaks of the
surrounding mountains as the gentle breeze rippled the inky water far
below. There was a soft breeze blowing from the south, while the mercury
stood at 38 in the shade and 76 in the sun.
There was a thick skim of ice on the
west end of the lake extending eastward from the bank some two hundred
yards and probably half a mile long north and south.
The snow under the trees on Mrs.
Victor's rock was five feet deep, while back farther in the open it was
10 feet, and seemed to be of an even depth all around the south side.8
It was impossible to go down to the water as the snow which had blown
from the south, broke off abruptly from the top for probably one hundred
feet below when it would take its regular slant until within about the
same distance from the water where it would again form another
perpendicular bank. The water seemed to be as black as ink. We had a
very strong glass with us, but we could not see any beach at the water's
edge.

Photo by Rudy Lueck, 1935.
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The snow was all off the trees on
Wizard Island and surrounding bank, while the strip of land running out
northwest from the island seemed to be a floating snowdrift.
We spent about an hour and a half at
the lake when we turned our shoes homeward, where we arrived on the
evening of the 27th.
No pen can describe the picturesque
views we beheld on our trip. No orator could do justice to the mountain
breeze, the crisp mild air and delightfully cool water bursting
gleefully from the sides of the mountains. Now we are passing along one
of nature's wonderful creations -- a canyon -- where massive
perpendicular rocks rise hundreds of feet on either hand. Again in open
space, with massive peaks all about us, do we find ourselves. These
nearest spurs are snow-capped and uninviting; those at a distance jagged
and rugged.
The scenery at times partakes of weird
and grotesque appearance, and is then grand and awful. Odd forms of
snow, sometimes resembling mammoth animals, overhang our path or project
from the mountain beyond and appear ready to leap upon us. Over all this
magnificence, enhancing the picture to a marvelous degree, shone the
azure vault above.
It is true we found places that were
extremely difficult of traveling over, and yet how foolish we would have
been to remain at home because of them. Deep gulches must be crossed,
narrow and sliding ones were not infrequent. More than once did we hold
our breath as we passed over some of these places, but a steady nerve
and lots of energy were all that was necessary to carry us through.
Notes
1 Originally titled Visited
in Midwinter: A Trip to Crater Lake Through Unfrozen Snow -- A Difficult
But Interesting Adventure. It was originally written as a letter to
Captain O.C. Applegate and subsequently published as a newspaper article
in March 1897.
2 The author was in the
company of his brother, P. S. Loosley. Martin's homestead was about 1.5
miles north of the town of Fort Klamath near what is presently Highway
62. The brothers would have gone approximately five miles that afternoon
since the Loosley Ranch is located south of town.
3 This area is where the
ponderosa pine and white fir forest gives way to lodgepole pine, a
transition readily seen along the south entrance road. Bridge Creek is
now called Pole Bridge Creek.
4 Much of the temperature
difference between the two days was due to the downslope movement of
air. This often makes the area around Fort Klamath (at 4200 feet in
elevation) much colder than a site on Mount Mazama such as Pole Bridge
Creek, some 1600 feet higher.
5 The vicinity of Annie
Spring.
6 Their route corresponds to
the trail which connects Annie Spring with the Pacific Crest Trail.
7 They tried traversing
Munson Ridge instead of using the wagon route which roughly corresponds
to what is now the Dutton Creek Trail.
8 Victor Rock is where the
Sinnott Memorial is presently situated. The south side described by
Loosley was named Rim Village in 1924.

Winter Illustration by L. Howard Crawford, Nature
Notes from Crater Lake, 8:1, July 1935.
On an Old Road to Crater Lake
By Steve Mark
Oregon is a state where historic trails
are of more than passing interest. Since one or more of them were
crossed by the forebears of many current residents, these trails are
more than a conceptual link with the past. Reenactments and other
commemorative activities along the Oregon and Applegate trails, for
example, have given associated wagon ruts, blazes, inscriptions, and
campsites special status as symbols of hardy immigrants struggling to
reach a promised land.
There are, of course, other types of
19th century trails in Oregon, ones that have little to do with a long
treks toward a future home. Many of these carried stock or supplies, but
were also used on outings by people seeking recreation and inspiration.
One of them crossed Oregon's only national park and has largely escaped
widespread notice. It was constructed in 1865, after the U.S. Army
recognized a need for better access between its post at Fort Klamath and
supply points such as Jacksonville in the Rogue River Valley.

Map by Steve Mark.
|
Although a track around Mount
McLoughlin had been built at the time of the fort's establishment in
1863, that road proved to be steep and difficult.1
Consequently, a company of soldiers commanded by Captain F.B. Sprague
found a route in the summer of 1865 which made crossing the mountains
considerably easier. Much as Highway 62 presently does, the route stayed
above and west of Annie Creek Canyon and found a relatively easy
crossing of the Cascade Divide at an elevation of 6,300 feet. From there
they began a descent, avoiding Castle Creek Canyon by staying south of
it, and in 20 miles or so reached the Rogue River near what is now the
settlement of Union Creek.
The soldiers saw Crater Lake and
several of them wrote about its wonders in newspaper accounts, but the
new road came no closer than two miles from the rim. It was left to a
tourist party formed in Jacksonville during the summer of 1869 to blaze
a track from the Army's wagon road to the area now known as Rim Village.2
They went up Dutton Creek rather than Munson Valley (where the road
connecting Rim Village with Highway 62 currently runs) until 1905
because the upper end of the latter was difficult to traverse without
improvement by heavy equipment.

19th century visitors sometimes left carvings
on trees near their camp. Photo by Steve Mark.
|
Establishment of Crater Lake National
Park in 1902 eventually paved the way for a series of road improvements.
Part of the wagon road was overlaid with asphalt or chopped into
segments by realignments and eventual widening of Highway 62. Despite
the changes, portions of it remain. The wagon road can be seen in places
as a narrow depression, while in others naturally seeded trees have
filled the compacted bed. Blazes are still apparent on living trees or
snags and are sometimes used to find the old alignment where ruts or
depressions are absent.
Approximately four miles of the first
road to lead visitors to Crater Lake are fairly evident on a hike which
begins at Annie Spring. A tell-tale depression quickly becomes evident
on the downhill side of a more recently constructed hiking trail which
climbs toward the divide. Some ruts can be seen from the hiking trail
just above the water tank. Close inspection of the adjacent trees
reveals that blazes have healed after more than a century, but so-
called "cat faces" can be seen at eye level. Hatchets long ago left hack
marks on several trees at the divide, where the hiking trail followed
from Annie Spring merges with the Pacific Crest Trail. From this point
it is another mile or so to the next trail junction where the Dutton
Creek Trail begins.
The intervening distance will reward a
sharp-eyed hiker looking for evidence of the wagon road. Upon descending
roughly one half mile from the divide, a large snag to the left can be
seen. A triangular cat face on it indicates where the wagon road
diverges from the trail to Crater Lake that was first blazed in 1869.3
A few hundred yards further on, the hiking trail crosses several streams
which feed upper Castle Creek. This area once served as an informal
camp, and there are at least two places where blazes are accompanied by
tree carvings with names of early visitors. More important for botanists
and others interested in saving rare plants, this is where a member of
the phlox family with small purple flowers was discovered in 1896. The
camp area has thus become the type locality for Collomia mazama,
and populations there continue to be an important reference point for
scientists studying the plant's life history and reproductive biology.

Map by Steve Mark.
|
Much of the modern Dutton Creek Trail
closely corresponds with the track first blazed in 1869. Blazes on
Mountain hemlock (Tsuga mertensiana) and Shasta red fir (Abies
magnifica-procera)
indicate where several subsequent realignments of the trail occasionally
diverge from the original route.4 Roughly three-quarters of
the way (1.5 miles) up this trail is another camp. It is located behind
a "Closed for Restoration" sign and contains several tree carvings. This
site was described in an 1885 account because it represented the closest
that campers could get to the rim and still have water readily at hand.
From there visitors to Crater Lake would climb another 400 feet over the
next mile to reach the high but dry camp sites at what is now a picnic
area in Rim Village. The original trail can still be followed between
these two points, but careful observation is needed to find the route
once it diverges from the upper portion of the modern Dutton Creek
Trail. Blazes are still evident at the northwest corner of the picnic
area and tree carvings can be seen within a few paces of the Rim Visitor
Center. Both furnish silent testimony that the rim attracted people even
before facilities were in place to accommodate visitors with
automobiles.
The development which has so altered
the face of Rim Village is a reminder of how the park's visitation has
changed in the past 100 years. Several thousand people per year came to
Crater Lake in the 1890s, but the annual figure is now around a half
million. Perhaps more significantly, the average length of visit to the
park is considerably different. Whereas the majority of people today
spend less than four hours in the park (and far fewer still are here
longer than one night), 19th century visitors might spend a week at
Crater Lake. They often combined their visit with gathering
huckleberries (Vaccinum membranaceum) at Huckleberry Mountain,
located just 10 miles southwest of the lake. The wagon road made both
places more accessible to white settlers and Klamath Indians, who could
afford a respite from the more burdensome aspects of life.5
Travel to Crater Lake has changed a
great deal since then, particularly after 1908 when automobiles were
allowed in the park. What remains of the wagon road is still important,
however, to understanding and appreciating what people once experienced
on their journey. Despite being bracketed by modern developments, it can
still convey change and continuity to those visitors who seek to better
comprehend the past.

An old camp on Dutton Creek. Photo by Steve Mark.
Notes
1 This trail has been marked in
several places with commemorative signboards. Perhaps the best preserved
stretch is the Sky Lakes Wilderness along what is now known as the Twin
Ponds Trail.
2 Led by news editor James Sutton,
this group brought the first boat to the lake and used it to explore
Wizard Island. They also gave Crater Lake the name by which it is still
known.
3 Although the wagon road is heavily
eroded in steeper sections and filled with small trees in others, it can
be followed to where it crosses Highway 62 about a half mile east of
Whitehorse Creek.
4 The relatively short life span of
80 to 120 years for lodgepole pine (Pinus contorta) generally
precludes finding blazes on this species, especially since the practice
was discouraged after the national park was established.
5 Park founder Will G. Steel recalled
seeing more than 200 Klamath encamped near the rim in August 1896. This
took place while a considerable number of whites also camped around
Crater Lake.
Repeat Photography and Landscape Change
By Ron Mastrogiuseppe and John Salinas
Introduction
The nature of nature is change. The
physical and biological worlds in which we exist are constantly becoming
different in myriad ways. A useful technique in comparing landscape
changes occurring during a human lifetime and in analyzing long-term
trends is repeat photography. Repeat photography is the art of locating
the actual site of an old photograph, duplicating the position of the
original camera and taking a repeat image of the same scene.
Background detail is critical in
locating the position of the historic photo point and photographer. When
possible, the same or similar film and camera type are used. A
continuous record of change will result from frequent repeated
photographs, documented with relevant information. This approach is an
important part of monitoring protocol for interpreting the story of a
landscape. Old photographs create much visitor interest, and with repeat
photography, a better understanding of the natural processes operating
in the landscape may be more easily communicated. Once resource
management activities are implemented, such historical time-lapse
photographs of changes are a baseline for future management proposals
and actions.
The first known photograph of the
Crater Lake caldera was taken by Peter Britt of Jacksonville in August
1874. Since then, Crater Lake has been the focus of many photographs.
This allows for the comparison of known time interval photo pairs, which
can establish a record of erosion rates and vegetation change in and
near the caldera.
Some of the earliest photographic
records of the park landscape away from the lake were during a
vegetation survey of backcountry areas in 1936. These photographs have
been useful in documenting tree encroachment into pumice fields and
measuring cause-effect changes resulting from historical forest fires or
sheep grazing that took place prior to the park's establishment.
Lodgepole pine encroachment into pumice fields, for example, began
shortly before the 1936 photographs were taken. Reduced precipitation
during the 1920s and 1930s, as well as minimal snowpacks for most of
that period, extended the growing season significantly and allowed for
successful conifer seedling establishment. An obvious change in forested
landscapes has been the trend toward an increase in conifers, a shift
away from herbaceous communities to those dominated by woody shrubs and
trees. This is a common trend in western landscapes during the past
century. Trends in vegetation change are driven by shifts in climatic
factors and by human-induced disturbances such as Indian burning
practices and recent fire suppression programs.


The Watchman in 1901 (top) and in August 1996
(bottom).
Top photo by J.S. Diller, U.S. Geological Survey.
Progress during 1996
Last year the Crater Lake Natural
History Association made a grant to John Salinas and Dick Miller to
produce a set of paired photographs. One black and white photograph in
each set was to be a print of an image taken approximately 100 years
earlier. This became possible when a large number of late 19th century
photographs were found in the U.S. Geological Survey's library in
Denver. These photos had been snapped by J.S. Diller, a USGS geologist
who can be credited with making the first scientific studies of Crater
Lake beginning in l 883. Diller's most important work, a professional
paper on the park's geology, appeared in 1902 -- the same year that
Crater Lake National Park was established. Many of the photos found in
Denver were intended to illustrate his paper, though he used only a
small fraction of them in the publication.
The current project began with Salinas
and Miller spending hours pouring over copy prints and negatives which
the National Park Service had recently acquired, in order to determine
which ones might best show change in the landscape. A historic
photograph was selected that has Garfield Peak as backdrop, so as to use
Crater Lake Lodge as reference in the modern view. Another image showed
the Watchman Overlook (on the west Rim Drive) without the fencing or
parking lot. Diller's photographs were also useful for studying change
in the caldera. For example, historic views which include the lake are
important to detect contrasts in the shoreline or caldera walls that
become evident with time. Moreover, some of the photos repeated around
Wizard Island illuminated the natural variability in lake levels and
thereby demonstrated how that water body can be dynamic through time.
Two incidents in particular may help
convey what it is like to set your boots in the precise footprint of an
early photographer. In the first instance, it was mid afternoon on the
crater rim of Wizard Island. The print held in the hands of repeat
photographers clearly showed Llao Rock behind a bit of the rim with a
whitebark pine growing out of a small mound of cinder covered by pinemat
manzanita. There was only one place on the island where the crater and
Llao Rock would match as in the photograph. But the whitebark pine was
not to be seen. Like lightning, the realization that the pine was now a
sun-bleached skeleton on the same small mound of cinder still covered
with manzanita filled the repeat photographers with an almost surreal
awe.
The site of the second incident was
very easy to find since summer visitors take photographs from that spot
every day. Something was not right, however, as Salinas viewed Victor
Rock (where the Sinnott Memorial was built in 1930) from a point on the
promenade where the Mather plaque is affixed. Somehow he needed to angle
his camera a bit higher to take in more of the sky and less of the lake.
Suddenly he realized that this point on the promenade was not the exact
spot from where Diller had taken his photograph. The only way to
replicate the historic image was to descend about 50 feet into the
caldera. As one looks into the caldera from this point, it would be easy
to imagine a photographer on that spot -- but not Salinas. One slip on
the loose pumice and that would be the end of this and several other
projects. Consequently, the repeat photograph will have a slightly
different angle.


Summit of cinder cone on Wizard Island, Crater Lake
in 1901 (top) and today (bottom).
Top photo by J.S. Diller, U.S. Geological Survey; bottom photo by John
Salinas.
Future work

The Grayback Ridge stand replacement fire of
1898 in old-growth Shasta red fir demonstrates that at least a
century is required for a young forest to develop.
Top photo by J.S. Diller, 1901; bottom photo by Ron
Mastrogiuseppe, 1980. |
Each person and every piece of
equipment can be severely tested in this harsh environment. As the
fallen mast of the Phantom Ship was being photographed from a tour boat
making its rounds last summer, Salinas noticed an odd sound to the
shutter on his large format (4 by 5 inch) camera. The shutter seemed to
be hanging up after a cold night in the park. As it turned out, the same
shutter failed to capture a dozen photographs around the lake and some
from the top of Mount Scott. These photographs will have to be retaken
during the summer of 1997 since the 1996 season ended without obtaining
a complete set of repeat images. The project's goal is to display copies
of the original and repeat photographs in park exhibits and throughout a
number of buildings. We hope this first attempt at repeat photography
will lead to another project which will produce a book of large black
and white paired photographs in time for the centennial of Crater Lake
National Park in 2002.
The authors would like to
acknowledge the Crater Lake Natural History Association's sponsorship of
this and other endeavors. The repeat photography project would not have
been possible without discovery of the Diller photos by former seasonal
interpreter Mike Smith and the assistance provided by USGS librarians in
Denver.
History of the Crater Lake Wilderness Ski Race
By John W. Lund
The Crater Lake Wilderness Race between
Fort Klamath and Crater Lake Lodge was held annually from 1927 to 1938.
The grueling race, originally 42 miles long, gained over 2,800 feet in
elevation and challenged skiers with varying snow conditions. The race
was shortened to 32 miles in 1932, five miles in 1936, and by about 1938
both the race and the accompanying winter carnival were discontinued. In
1978, the race was revived by the Alla Mage Skiers and Crater Lake
National Park and now attracts about 100 skiers annually.
The "Carnival" included snow balling,
toboganning, sleighing, short races for high school students and adults,
as well as ski jumping (the record jump was 151 feet), sled dog races,
barefoot races and a homing pigeon race. There was usually an all-day
dance in the community hall.1
The Carnival and the historic race attracted as many as 4,000
spectators.
In the early years, a 16-mile race from
the Rim to Fort Klamath was the "down mountain" or "trail breaker" race
for the longer race; but later, the "down mountain" race was the more
popular.
In 1927, a total of 24 skiers entered
the race. The course followed the Crater Lake Highway to the Lodge and
back, with contestants required to keep within one half mile of this
course. Any style, make, pattern or length of ski and harness could be
used; however, metal skies were barred. Manfred Jacobson, "a sandy
haired logger" from McCloud, California, and Waldemar Nordquist, "a
powerful lumber piler" from Klamath Falls, fought for first place.
Jacobson had a peculiar "slide-slide and then skip technique like a
skating stroke - his entire body swinging to the rhythm of the forward
lunge." Nordquist, a former Swedish Army Captain, used arms and ski
sticks more. The Klamath Falls Evening Herald reported that the two
Swedes were "...engaged in one of the greatest battles of endurance, of
wits and of the elements in the history of the Pacific Coast." New snow
made the going "tough and hard," but the two men arrived at the lodge
together. Jacobson had let Nordquist pass him on the way to the rim,
requiring him to break trail and use precious energy. Returning
downhill, Jacobson lost a ski and Nordquist a ski stick. The lead
changed when they stopped to retrieve the equipment. Jacobson crossed
the finish after 7 hours and 34 minutes, to win the first prize of $250.
Nordquist, 21 minutes behind, won the $100 second prize. Nels Skjersaa
of Bend and Everett Puckett of Klamath Falls battled for third place.
Skjersaa claimed the $50 prize, and Puckett won a radio set. Harry C.
Francis of Klamath Falls was fifth, winning a rifle, and Otto Hagen of
Brightwood and Andy Versto of Fort Klamath tied for sixth place.

The 1927 race brought huge crowds to Fort Klamath.
Photo courtesy Klamath County Museum.
The second race had 16 entrants:
"...stalwart athletes, most of whom bear names reminiscent of the
snow-clad mountains of northern Europe." Twelve of the racers dropped
out, "...unable to keep pace with the quartet of northlanders: Manfred
Jacobson, Nels Skjersaa, Waldemar Nordquist and Emil Nordeen of Bend."
Jacobson won the race for a second time, in 6 hours and 13 minutes. Emil
Nordeen was eight minutes behind.
In 1929, Emil Nordeen, "the crafty 'Old
War Horse' of Bend," won the race in a record time of 5 hours 57
minutes. At 43 years, he was the oldest as well as the fastest skier.
Skjersaa was second and 28 minutes behind Nordeen. Emil was awarded the
solid silver "Klamath Cup" which stood 38 inches high and was trimmed
with gold. The winner kept the cup only one year, but Nordeen could keep
a smaller 6-inch high cup called the "Shadow of Klamath."
Manfred Jacobson won in 1930, with a
time of 7 hours, 40 minutes and 30 seconds. Nordeen was 34 seconds
behind Jacobson and Skjersaa placed third. The other two entrants,
Nordquist and Oliver Puckett of Keno, dropped out. The racers had to
battle two feet of new snow in the park but were forced to make a
five-mile loop at the finish because there was virtually no snow at Fort
Klamath.
In 1931, there were four entrants, but
only two finished. Nordeen, who came close to not entering the race
because of an injury, broke the record at 5 hours and 35 minutes.
Jacobson placed second. Ivar Amoth of Bend broke a ski and Oliver
Puckett dropped out after 34 miles. Nordeen had now won the Klamath Cup
for the second time, and thus gained permanent possession of it (see the
article by Kenneth Åström). The Skyliner Skiing Club members of Bend
carried Nordeen on their shoulders to the community hall. The newspaper
reported 848 cars parked on the grounds.
In 1932 the race was shortened to 32
miles, but a new ski jump was inaugurated and buses brought spectators
to the events.2 A record 4,000 people attended the Snow Show.
This was the sixth year that Oliver Puckett had entered the long race,
and with his lucky rabbit's foot, he finally won in 4 hours and 26
minutes. He was the first native born American to win the race. Pete O.
Hedberg of Modoc Point was 30 minutes behind, while Rudy Lueck, a park
ranger at Crater Lake, was third.
Hedberg was the other two-time winner
of the races. Another Swede by lineage, he won the race held in 1933.
After poor snowfall canceled the race in 1934, Hedberg retired the
second Klamath Cup with a win in 1935. During that race he was operating
under a slight handicap; he had broken his leg several months earlier
and the cast was removed only three weeks before the competition.
Oliver Puckett almost won in 1933, but
Pete Hedberg passed him in the last mile. Puckett won the second place
trophy, called "the Watchman." Rudy Lueck was once again third.
Hedberg's winning time was 4 hours and 30 minutes, four minutes ahead of
Puckett. Rudy Lueck was only a few yards behind Hedberg in the 1935
race, with Harold Paulson of Bend third to complete a "horse race
finish." Puckett led the racers to the rim, but then dropped behind on
the return.
After the 1935 race, the Evening Herald
reported that "Skiers and officials of the Crater Lake Ski Club and
Klamath Winter Sports Association are inclined strongly to the opinion
that the long race is too tough, and now that Hedberg, by virtue of his
two victories, has won the cup, the event might as well be dropped from
the Klamath winter sports program." The race was thereby shortened to
five miles in 1936 and 1937. Frank Drew of Klamath Falls and Delbert
Denton of Fort Klamath were the winners these two years. A race of only
one mile in length was held at the rim of Crater Lake in 1938.
Other than the sometimes dramatic
finish of the men's race, this event had many highlights. Myrtle
Copeland of Fort Klamath entered the 1927 race with an unusual handicap;
she forgot her boots and had to ski in house slippers. Needless to say
she did not win, but nine years later she won the five-mile race. The
Briscoe sisters of Fort Klamath often entered and won the shorter
women's race. Ida, Vinnie and Peggie Briscoe also won the relay race in
1933. The Drew family of Klamath Falls also had winners in many of the
shorter races. Frank and Greer often competed for first and second place
in the high school and college student races. Lester Hellens of Seattle
and Millard Briscoe of Wood River won the first two "down mountain"
races.

The ski jump event in 1932.
Photo by Guy Hartell.
Emil Nordeen rekindled memories of the
long race in 1960, when he donated his Klamath Cup to the Swedish Ski
Association during the Olympic Games held at Squaw Valley. The cup was
subsequently used in team races in Sweden and finally retired. In 1980,
with the aid of Jay Bowerman (two-time U.S. Olympic Biathlon Team
Member) and the Bend
Bulletin newspaper, the Swedes agreed to award the cup in the
37-mile Kalvtraskloppet race in northern Sweden. The race, which
annually draws about 1000 skiers, starts 30 miles from Nordeen's
birthplace of Norsjo. The trophy will remain in a museum in Umeå near
the race site, and the winner receives either a small replica or a
photograph-diploma symbolic of victory.
Unpredictable snow conditions have
forced the sponsoring groups to keep the modern races totally within
Crater Lake National Park. Four races are usually planned for around the
second weekend in February, and cover distances of 10, 15, 24 and 39
kilometers (6, 9, 15 and 24 miles). Due to the terrain and wilderness
conditions in the park, the courses are not machine-groomed but are set
by skiers. They begin and end near Park Headquarters. Emil Nordeen, then
81, started the 1978 race, as did Pete Hedberg at age 73. Gary Dalesky
of Bend, my former OIT ski student, won the long race that year and many
of the later races.
References: Klamath Falls
Herald and News articles by Bruce Meadows (1/26/75), Lee Juillerat
(2/9/78, 2/10/78, 2/22/78, and 3/23/78); and Catherine Harris (2/6/87).
Notes
1 This building no longer stands. It
was located on a lot between what is now the Cattle Crossing Cafe and
the Fort Klamath Lodge.
2 The ski jump was located adjacent
to the present day Annie Creek Snopark, just south of the park boundary.

The Long Forgotten Klamath Camp
By Kenneth Åström
(translated from Swedish by Karen Hurley and Doris Roy)
A remarkable silver trophy was
displayed in the window of Monark's Sporting Goods store on Kungsgatan
Street at Umeå (Sweden), in 1961. It had been sent to Umeå by the
Swedish Ski Association to be used as a challenge trophy in one of the
Swedish Masters competitions. It was never awarded to anyone, as there
was confusion as to the interpretation of the conditions set by the
donor. As a result, the trophy lay forgotten until April 1964, when it
was found in a display closet in Monark's attic. The find started a
debate when the news was published in the local press, and the question
arose regarding how much control the association had on the trophy.
The trophy was returned to the
association and put up as a prize for the Swedish skiing competition. It
was decided that the trophy should go to the district which had garnered
the highest point total in all the competition runs over the past five
years. Lia Jonsson, at that time head administrator of the association,
suggested that the trophy be donated to the Swedish Ski Museum as a
challenge cup for the 30 km Umespelen competition, which was intended to
be a future international fixture. This suggestion, however, was
ignored.

Nordeen (left) and Jakobsson (right) before the 1931
race.
Photo courtesy Hartell family.
In January 1961, Emil Nordeen wrote to
Lia Jonsson to make some things clear regarding the donation. "I could
not see myself as sole owner of the trophy. For that reason I could not
see anyone else as having sole possession." When the Ski Association's
decision became known to Nordeen, he wrote to his sister Emmy:
"What happened at Umeå in 1961 has
remained a mystery to me until I received your letter. When I came home
from Squaw Valley I wrote an additional provision [in the donor
agreement] that if there were terms at odds with the Swedish Ski
Association's rules, then it was the responsibility of the Association
to work it out. It was my wish that the Americans would have a chance to
win the trophy back, but this was not binding. When I read between the
lines, I wonder if it is not the rules, but something else that is in
the way, and which I, nor you, have any knowledge of. In any event, I
now have nothing to say regarding the trophy since it is not my personal
property...If they do not wish to enter it as a challenge prize, then I
think they should give it to Vasterbotten where it should be housed. I
wish the Swedish Ski Association could have followed my directions, but
it is also a possibility that my Swedish is so poor that they didn't
understand what I wrote..."
Nordeen and the association eventually
reached an agreement, which allowed for the trophy to be the prize for a
long ski race in Vasterbotten. The choice was Kalvtrasket's run, one of
Sweden's oldest cross country races, near the area where Nordeen was
born. It was agreed that the trophy should be lodged at the Swedish Ski
Museum at Umeå between contests.
Trophy from a ski race in Oregon
The background to events at Umeå in
1961 began with the Winter Olympics in Squaw Valley in 1960. During the
Olympics Swedish-American Emil Nordeen from Kvavistrask, Norsjo,
contacted the Swedish Ski Association and donated a majestic trophy to
be used as a prize for an annual international men's competition. One of
the conditions stipulated by Nordeen was that the race must be
international so that American skiers could participate.

Nordeen near the finish.
Photo courtesy Hartell family.
|
Nordeen donated the Klamath Cup, which
had been offered as a prize by the Crater Lake Ski Club beginning in
1929.1 It was the trophy recognizing the winner of a 70 km
ski race between Fort Klamath and Crater Lake. The entire course was at
high altitude, the first half of the race climbing close to 900 meters.
In the event that anyone won the trophy twice, he would be allowed to
keep it forever. The battle to be the first to win permanent possession
of the trophy came down to two immigrants from Vasterbotten, Emil
Nordeen and Manfred Jakobsson.2
Jakobsson was born at Högland,
Nordmaling, in 1898. When he was seven years old, the family moved to
Långed. Manfred worked in the timber industry at Norrbyskår until the
winter of 1923, when he immigrated to southern California, where his
sister already lived. After some time had passed, he went to McCloud in
northern California, where he got a job in a lumber yard. His first
experience with skiing competitions was in the early 1920s, when he won
a ski race in Nordmaling.
Nordeen was born at Kvavistråsk in
1890. He had immigrated to America at age 18. For the next 20 years, his
Swedish relatives received no word from him. When they finally made
contact with him, Nordeen had spent much of his time in the Rocky
Mountains. There he had hunted, fished, looked for gold, worked, and
skied. In 1920 Nordeen settled in Bend, Oregon, where he found a job in
a lumber mill.
The battle between Nordeen and
Jakobsson
After four years in California without
skiing, Jakobsson noticed a newspaper advertisement about a competition
in Fort Klamath. With borrowed boots and nine foot skis that had poor
bindings he traveled to Oregon, arriving about a week before the race.
That year (1927) there was no trophy, but instead a prize of $250.00 to
the winner, which at that time was worth about 1,200 Sw. kronor. The
newspaper account of the race tells of the competition's popularity,
counting some 2,000 cars in Fort Klamath.3 Bets on the race
were in the same style as in boxing, and included thousands of dollars.
These were quite unthinkable circumstances in Swedish skiing at the
time.
The first competition took place on
President Washington's birthday, February 22, 1927. Several thousand
spectators came to watch Captain [O.C.] Applegate send off the
poorly-equipped skiers. The first race took place under very difficult
conditions. In Fort Klamath the grass protruded through the snow cover,
and in some places there was water in the ski tracks. When the
competitors got higher into the national park, there was heavy snow
cover and a storm. In spite of this, Jakobsson won the race. Nordeen was
among the other participants (who included a number of Swedes,
Norwegians, and Finlanders) and had to make his own skis from ponderosa
pine because none were for sale.
Jakobsson won again in 1928, but
Nordeen was ahead for the first 55 km when ice built up under his new
skis which he had ordered from Sweden. Nordeen won the Klamath Cup in
1929, the first year that the trophy was offered as a prize. Jakobsson,
meanwhile, went home to buy a farm in Långed, where he eventually
relocated when he returned to Sweden in 1932. During his visit in 1929,
Jakobsson applied to race in the Vasa ski competition. His winning of
the Fort Klamath competition and the $250.00 in prize money had been
noticed in the Swedish press. Consequently, the Swedish Ski Association
refused to let him compete at Vasa.

A weakened Jakobsson chasing Nordeen near the park's
south entrance.
Photo courtesy Hartell family.
In 1930 Jakobsson returned to the USA.
Among other reasons, he wanted to again enter the Fort Klamath-Crater
Lake race. He won that year and received a considerable sum of money.
Like Nordeen had in 1929, Jakobsson was allowed to keep the trophy for a
year.
Both Jakobsson and Nordeen entered the
race in 1931, each having the chance to keep the trophy for good. The
spectators arrived in great numbers and the betting was much higher than
in previous years. Jakobsson led by a few minutes during the first part
of the run. He avoided food stations, preferring instead to use the
supplies in his own pockets.
"Right before a long, hard, upward
grade there was, however, a food station where a person offered me a
steaming mug of bouillon. I could not resist the temptation and drank
the tasty broth. I knew that most of the people had placed their bets on
me but apparently not this 'heathen.' After a few minutes I vomited
violently, so all the food I had eaten before I started came up.
Additionally, my tongue swelled and I had a hard time breathing. At this
point I had to let one skier after another pass me. "
This resulted in a message delivered to
Fort Klamath that said Jakobsson had broken down, but he never did give
up. After Jakobsson was given a mug of creamy milk, he felt better and
in pure anger started chasing after his competitors. He managed to pass
all of them except Nordeen, who finished with a new record time of 5
hours and 57 minutes.
"Now I had lost the treasure and, on
top of it, that evening I got beat up by some angry men who had bet on
me and lost their money."
In reference to the trophy being turned
over to the Swedish Ski Museum in 1979, Jakobsson mentioned that Nordeen
had never been quite content with owning the Klamath Cup since he knew
the circumstances of his victory in 1931. Before Nordeen donated the
trophy to the Swedish Ski Association in 1961 he supposedly exchanged
letters with Jakobsson to get his opinion, though this has not been
confirmed. In a letter written by Nordeen to Lia Jonsson in 1961, he
told her that, due to his age, he would not be able to be present at any
of the competitions in Vasterbotten. Nordeen, therefore, would like to
see Manfred Jakobsson represent him at the competitions, since "M.J. was
a tough skier to deal with."
The Klamath Cup has been kept at the
Swedish Ski Museum in Umeå since 1979. From 1980 onward it has been the
prize in the six mile long Kalvträsk competition. Since that time, the
following Swedish skiers have had a turn winning it: Sven-Åke Lundback (Bergnäset),
Anders Bodin (Åsarna), Stig Jonsson (Rundvik), Hans Persson (Åsarna),
Bengt Hassis (Orsa), Erik Hansson (Gillberga), Tom Lindström (Hägglunds),
Ulf Karlsson (Infjärden), Fredrik Lundberg (Skellefteå), and Sven-Erik
Danielsson (Dala-Järna). Only two skiers have won it twice: Stellan
Granlund (Skellefteå) and Örjan Blomquist (Lidingö).
Notes
1 The trophy was manufactured by
Wallace Brothers of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
2 In addition to the trophy won by
Nordeen, there are two additional cups. Pete Hedburg won races held in
1933 and 1935, while Charles Lindberg received one for his solo flight
over the Atlantic. The latter is in the possession of the Smithsonian
Institution.
3 The town, which has never been
incorporated, boasted no more than 200 residents at that time.
A National Historic Landmark
By Steve Mark
At the top of a steep and winding road
which leads from the plaza at Park Headquarters is the Superintendent's
Residence. It has a commanding view of Castle Crest (sometimes called
Garfield Ridge) and the backdrop of a subalpine forest which can provide
a sense of deep seclusion. This location attracts few visitors, except
for those occasions where park staff lead walking tours to this and
other contributing structures in the Munson Valley Historic District.
In 1986, the National Park Service
conducted a theme study to find the best architectural examples in the
whole National Park System. The structures chosen would be designated
national historic landmarks by the Secretary of the Interior. This is in
accordance with a program which since 1935 has recognized the sites,
structures, and landscapes most significant in American history. The
Superintendent's Residence thus became one of only 50 or so buildings
recognized in this way, largely because its character-defining features
are intact and compelling enough to warrant further inspection when
sighted even from a distance.

NPS drawing, Denver Service Center.
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Massive andesite boulders, even larger
than those elsewhere in the district, are probably the most noticeable
feature of the house. They were gathered from a site next to the Rim
Drive below the Watchman, and then brought by trucks to the building
site. Once there, a homemade hoist and a crew of laborers lifted the
boulders into place under the direction of an Italian stonemason named
Joe Mancini.1 The largest ones can be seen on the east side
of the building, yet they seem perfectly scaled because of being
surrounding by undressed and uncoursed stone of complementary size,
color, shape, and texture.
In walking around the residence,
observers will notice that the four sides are different from each other.
This is partly due to the building being asymmetrical, but a mix of peak
and shed dormers add variety to the roofline, as does the top of a
massive stone fireplace that was specially built by Mancini. The shakes
are stained green, and were cut from sugar pine logs originating in the
Prospect vicinity. Second story siding and trim are a chocolate brown
color and were meant to imitate the surrounding forest, while the
brushed concrete slab over the garage resembles a ledge or an exposed
bedding plane.
Just as in nature, the genius of this
type of architecture is in the details. Multi-paned casement windows
open to the outdoors, and are inset from the rock walls to give each
facade texture. Even more subtle is how National Park Service designers
used the shade of surrounding trees and shadows cast by the structure's
details to create different lighting effects depending on the time of
day.2 The heavy plank front door is embellished by strap
hinges and decorative ironwork, wrought so as to convey some sense of
the past and replete with pioneer and even medieval allusions. These and
interior features such as wagon wheel chandeliers, wall sconces, and
gothic diamond designs in woodwork or stone are intended to evoke
emblematic associations in those who acknowledge that life has layers of
meaning subject to individual interpretation.
It may seem odd that this structure,
which is seen so rarely by visitors, became a national historic landmark
while the Crater Lake Lodge went unrecognized except for a brief and
rather hesitant listing on the National Register of Historic Places.
There are two compelling reasons for this. The first is that the
Superintendent's Residence retains virtually all of its original
material (called "historic fabric" by preservationists), in contrast to
the lodge where a multi-million dollar "rehabilitation" left it with
less than ten percent of what was there before 1991, when the facelift
started. Consequently, about the only thing preserved in place after
four years of construction was the hotel's proximity to Crater Lake. It
is that association with the main feature in the park which makes the
lodge an unforgettable attraction to some visitors, so much so that they
overlook being in a new building made to appear old.
The Superintendent's Residence does not
rely on Crater Lake to achieve its visual effect. It is almost 500 feet
below the rim and sited to appear as part of the setting, which
constitutes the second reason for NHL status. When the house was
completed in 1933, it needed very little landscaping other than a small
amount of foundation planting to make an even transition from ground to
structure. The idea of making it seem to have "grown from the ground" is
inherent in sloping, not straight, walls where masons situated the
largest boulders near ground level as in nature. Crater Lake Lodge, by
comparison, was a landscape architect's nightmare. Not only did the
hotel impose its form on the lake, there were few ways that a four story
structure could be integrated with the surroundings. For one thing, an
undercapitalized concessioner had taken what was essentially a suburban
estate house of 1908 and then omitted a number of details so the
unfinished hotel could be opened for business in 1915. A large addition
more than doubled its size by 1924, but almost nothing in the way of
landscaping took place until 1931. Even then, the NPS had to transplant
large trees and shrubs in a desperate attempt to soften the square lines
of a huge building which dominates the eastern half of Rim Village.3

Front entrance of Superintendent's Residence.
Note large boulder near door.
Photo by Laura Soulliere, 1986.
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Perhaps the single greatest tribute
paid to the Superintendent's Residence came in 1990, when a
Colorado-based publisher sought to reprint a NPS guidebook to park and
recreation structures which last appeared in 1938. The late 'thirties
were a time when Congress authorized the NPS to help develop state and
local park systems as part of work relief projects undertaken by the
Civilian Conservation Corps. A guidebook was needed to assist
newly-hired landscape architects with design challenges stemming from
having to integrate facilities with different park settings. Some 50
years hence, architects and landscape architects had begun to rediscover
designing with nature and become so interested in making structures fit
their setting that the publisher decided there was a market for a
reprint of Park and Recreation Structures. Only one image represented
the reprint (which sold quickly and enjoyed more than passing notice) in
his catalog and on the jacket cover. It was, of course, a photograph of
the Superintendent's Residence on a clear June morning, just after it
had been reopened as seasonal housing for yet another summer.
Notes
1 Mancini and his crew of masons
worked at Crater Lake from 1930 to 1938. They were responsible for most
of the building facades which incorporate large boulders, as well as
fountains, parapet walls, and other features.
2 Although the building plans bore
one set of initials (A.P.B. for A. Paul Brown), NPS structures during
this period were really the product of consensus among a team of
architects and landscape architects who designed and often supervised
the work. They would insist upon relatively uniform standards in design
and could adapt construction to fit the site, all without having to
contract the part or all of the project.
3 Perhaps the most successful part of
the planting program was the circulation features used to distribute
guest parking and soften the building's mass when viewed from the south.
Transplanted mountain ash, along with stone steps and curbing, helped to
lessen the visual imposition of the lodge on its surroundings.
An Offering in the
Forest
By Steve Mark
Winter can last for more than seven
months at Park Headquarters. A sign of the coming of spring appears when
enough snow has melted to reveal a figure known as the Lady of the
Woods. When the snow finally disappears, which is usually in June or
July, visitors can take a short trail located behind the Steel
Information Center to view the three foot high sculpture. Chiseled from
a boulder, this unfinished work of art blends almost perfectly into a
subalpine forest of mountain hemlock. It will be 80 years old this
October and shows a few signs of age. The most noticeable is pitting in
the once smooth volcanic rock, but there are also some details that have
begun to fade with time. In spite of its inevitable decay, the sculpture
is still striking and should remain recognizable well into the next
century.
Oddly enough, the Lady of the Woods was
its creator's first attempt at sculpture. At the time of its carving,
Earl Russell Bush was a 31 year old medical doctor who attended to the
road crews that built the first rim drive around Crater Lake. The
season's work had largely ceased by the end of September 1917, and he
found himself with almost two weeks at his disposal. Bush left the park
on October 20th, having chisled and hammered a recognizable form on the
hard rock. He worked from memory and, several years later, tried to
explain what possessed him:

Earl Russell Bush and the Lady of the Woods,
1954.
NPS photo by C. Warren Fairbanks.
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"This statue represents my
offering to the forest, my interpretation of its awful stillness and
repose, its beauty, fascination, and unseen life. A deep love of
this virgin wilderness has fastened itself upon me and remains
today. It seemed that I must leave something behind...if it arouses
thought in those who see it, I shall be amply repaid. I shall be
satisfied to leave my feeble attempt at sculptural expression alone
and unmarked, for those who happen to see it and who may find food
for thought along the lines [of what] it arouses in them
individually. It would be sacrilege to assign a title and decorate
it with a brass plate. "
By the 1930s the statue acquired both a
title (suggested by Fred Kiser, the photographer, who seemed to always
be looking for different ways to promote the park) and a sign made of
wood with raised lettering. The idea of leading visitors there with a
trail came under attack for the first time in 1930, and is an objection
which has been voiced several times since then. Not by visitors, nor
through conservation groups, but by park employees who thought the
sculpture did not belong in a "natural" area. To them, such artifice had
no place even at Park Headquarters, where rustic architecture and
naturalistic landscape design blend aesthetics with function. Just as
with stone masonry (which is used on buildings and evident in walls,
steps, curbs and even drainage features), the carving constitutes an
attempt to design with nature. The only difference is that the
sculpture's functional aspects may not be immediately apparent to all
who view it.
Whereas the function of most built
features at Park Headquarters has been put in terms of visitor services
(information, restrooms) or support facilities (employee housing,
offices, equipment storage), the Lady of the Woods serves to instruct
and inspire. The sculpture can speak to change, because 80 years ago
Park Headquarters looked considerably different than it does today. When
Bush made his carving in 1917, there were only three log buildings and a
barn with no attempt at year round occupancy of the site. Less than a
decade later the National Park Service began building a headquarters
where the road camp had been, something which expanded over time to
impinge on the sanctity of the forest that Bush once knew.
The Lady of the Woods is not, however,
a merely antiquarian artifact (where the past is separated from the
present) because NPS landscape architects incorporated it within an
exceptionally coherent site design, listed on the National Register of
Historic Places in 1988 as the Munson Valley Historic District. Despite
the recognition, designed landscapes cannot be frozen in time and
compromises remain apparent -- most notably in the NPS having to utilize
Park Headquarters for winter operations. This can be seen even along the
400 foot trail to the Lady of the Woods. Not only have the Messhall and
Meathouse been adaptively reused (for ranger operations and a trail
cache, respectively), but looming in the distance between them is the
recently constructed maintenance shop -- an especially unartistic and
slavish example of form following function when contending with
snowfall.

Park headquarters at the time when Bush carved the
Lady of the Woods, ca. 1925.
NPS photo.
While change is important,
character-defining features of the historic district and (in particular
the Lady of the Woods) are more significant as representations of
continuity. This type of continuity pertains to how parks evolved as a
cultural expression of interaction with a certain setting or
environment. Parks began as simple enclosures, intended as places where
the nobility exercised exclusive rights to hunt game animals. During the
17th and 18th centuries parks fused with ornamental gardens, the latter
having originated in the Ancient World from an urge to manipulate nature
and create pleasing effects. Features of the garden (such as plantings
which imitated growth in the wild, walks, and statuary or other
structures built to evoke introspection in those allowed access)
followed Classical models at first and then became more "natural" as the
desire to emulate landscape paintings spread throughout western Europe.
The English were especially adept at creating "landscape gardens" and
developed a vocabulary for enjoying the "picturesque" surroundings which
were contrived to appear more natural than Nature itself. When parks
became public as a response to 19th century urbanization resulting from
the Industrial Revolution, the private landscape gardens of the gentry
and a newly rich class of merchants thus became models for how to
socialize a broad spectrum of citizens by bringing them into contact
with the perceived benefits of nature.
Those familiar with the landscaped
parks brought their vocabulary with them when they went looking for
"sublime" scenery. These people followed their guidebooks and found
monumental scenery which matched the lighting effects employed by
landscape painters to animate mountains, forests, lakes, waterfalls,
caves, or coastlines. Americans embraced these aesthetic tastes at
roughly the same time as the public park movement came across the
Atlantic. It is therefore no surprise that public parks could encompass
not only the countryside within or adjacent to cities, but also the most
sublime scenery, particularly where the land remained in the Public
Domain. National parks are really part of a vast national estate, where
a few of the most unusual features such as Crater Lake can be protected
for future generations to contemplate. By seeing sublime landscapes as
art, the prevailing taste allowed for access but sought to minimize
visitor impact.
Consequently, developments in the
national parks have usually had both functional and ornamental
qualities, with the best being subordinate and inspired by its
surroundings.
Employees and visitors are now
prevented by NPS regulations from making artistic statements similar to
Bush's, but the Lady of the Woods is a rare window into the cultural
patterns behind the origin and use of national parks. Through this
sculpture and rustic architecture elsewhere in the park, it is possible
to relate the story of how a collective perception of nature developed
through time and found expression in gardens, parks, and finally sublime
landscapes. I thought of this inheritance and Bush's intent when these
lines from J.M. Synge's
Prelude came to mind:
I knew the stars, the
flowers, and the birds,
The grey and wintry sides of many glens,
And did but half remember human words,
In converse with the mountains, moors, and fens.
Reference: Richard M. Brown, The
Lady of the Woods Revisited,
Nature Notes from Crater Lake 21 (1995), pp. 5-12.

Karl J. Belser, in Ernest G. Moll, Blue Interval
(Portland: Metropolitan Press, 1935)
Rock Patterns
(The Grottos)
Out of the ancient rage of
fire and frost
And prisoned forces struggling to be free
Came beauty such as poets, vision-lost,
Dreamed long ago in dales of Arcady.

The crater on Wizard Island and Crater Lake.